Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 31

Therefore, can the technological advancements in naval power brought about by the Anglo-Japanese Alliance offset the costs incurred by the navy in the face of a potential conflict with the Russian navy? Last year, France and Russia combined had 43 capital ships, Britain had 45, and my country had only 5. Although my country and Britain together possessed more capital ships than France and Russia, if France did not join the war and Britain remained neutral, my country would be left to confront the Russian navy alone.

I remember you, Yamamoto, always believed that Japan had no chance of winning against the Russian navy alone. So why did you overturn your own position and support the Anglo-Japanese Alliance for the sake of a few shipbuilding technologies?

Yamamoto was speechless for a moment, but he quickly regained his composure and honestly said to Ito Sukeyuki, "It is certainly not advisable to go to war with Russia for the sake of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, but given Russia's aggressive stance, the Anglo-Japanese Alliance can increase Japan's chances of winning. Therefore, we have no choice but to strive for the Anglo-Japanese Alliance to strengthen Japan's power."

Ito Sukeyuki felt that Yamamoto's thinking wasn't entirely wrong. If a Russo-Japanese War was unavoidable, then only one path remained: how to increase Japan's chances of winning. This was probably also the thought of some people in the army. After a moment of silence, he said, "Let's wait and see how Kawahara's actions in Korea go."

Faced with Ito Sukeyuki's insistence, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe could only concede slightly, agreeing to discuss the matter again after returning from Kawahara. However, supporters of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance were not limited to the army and navy; the Ministry of Foreign Affairs also once again raised the idea of ​​advancing the Anglo-Japanese Alliance with Prime Minister Ito.

The reason why the officials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were so enthusiastic about the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was twofold. On the one hand, Russia had long-term plans to operate in Manchuria and was worried that Russia would take root in Manchuria and make it difficult to drive it out. On the other hand, the British were increasingly enthusiastic about the Anglo-Japanese Alliance and had almost made it clear to the Japanese minister in Britain that Britain would side with Japan in the conflict between Japan and Russia.

However, these fervent requests for a Anglo-Japanese alliance were abruptly suppressed upon reaching the Prime Minister's official residence. The British diplomatic actions during this period, in turn, made Ito Hirobumi further aware of the diplomatic risks facing the British.

The Franco-Russian alliance's naval strength was steadily approaching that of Britain, while Russia's actions in the East further disrupted Britain's balance of power in Europe and Asia. The Franco-Russian alliance had already established a balance of power with the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy on the European continent, but the Triple Alliance further dashed Russia's hopes of accessing the Mediterranean and contained French expansion in North Africa.

This meant that the struggle between Britain and France over Egypt, and between Britain and Russia over the Straits, was actually eased thanks to the Triple Alliance. Under such circumstances, Britain certainly couldn't join the Triple Alliance, thus allowing the balance of power in Europe to completely slip out of control. The Anglo-German Alliance proposed by Britain was actually intended to counter Germany's continental alliance proposal.

In other words, the challenge facing Britain today is not from a single major power on the European continent, but from the entire continent. If Britain cannot suppress this challenge, its global hegemony will face its most serious challenge yet. Britain currently needs to suppress the Franco-Russian alliance, curb Germany's ambitions to unify Europe, and also guard against the Americans across the Atlantic.

The Anglo-Japanese Alliance was a crucial move by the British to break free from their predicament in Europe. Only when Japan defeated Russia in the Far East, and even destroyed most of the Russian navy, could the Franco-Russian alliance lose its opportunity to challenge British hegemony. Similarly, Russia's defeat would deprive France of its security guarantees, forcing France to make concessions to Britain, thus creating a new European situation of Anglo-French confrontation with Germany.

Japan's diplomatic advantage lay precisely in the period before the signing of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, when Japan was at its most valuable. After the alliance was signed, Japan's stance was fixed, and other countries' attitudes towards Japan would change accordingly, thus depriving Japan of other diplomatic possibilities. The more I realized this, the less I could accept the proposal to immediately sign the Anglo-Japanese Alliance.

Chapter 106 New Ideas

Hirobumi Ito's assessment of Britain's diplomatic predicament was not unfounded. On January 8th of this year, German Chancellor Bilo responded to Chamberlain's Edinburgh speech from the previous year. When Chamberlain defended the British army's actions in the Boer War, he cited the actions of the Prussian army in the Franco-Prussian War as a reference.

Chamberlain's speech caused an uproar in German public opinion, who felt that the British had gone too far. First, they detained German mail ships bound for South Africa without cause when the Boer War broke out and refused to make reparations. Now they were using the Prussian army as a shield, which was obviously an escalating humiliation of Germany.

The current German Chancellor, Bülow, is a politician obsessed with news control and propaganda. Since assuming the position, he has accomplished little in terms of political achievements, but he has surpassed Bismarck in his mastery of news control and self-promotion. At Bülow's insistence, German newspapers are forbidden from publishing criticisms of the Emperor and the government, but they spare no effort in glorifying stories of German national glory.

During his years as Chancellor, German nationalism was at its peak, and rational voices were almost nonexistent. This is why Chamberlain's remarks forced Bülow to respond forcefully, quoting Frederick the Great: "Let that man go, don't get agitated, he's biting granite."

Bülow's tough stance won German support, but also rapidly increased British antipathy towards Germany. Chamberlain, who was considered pro-German within the British government, shifted his support for Anglo-German cooperation after Bülow's remarks, believing Germany was attempting to challenge the international order established by Britain.

However, because Japan was reluctant to reach an alliance agreement with Britain, the British government could not completely break with Germany. Before bringing Russia back to Europe, Britain could not abandon Germany. As long as Britain continued to show a willingness to ally with Germany, France and Russia were unlikely to approach Germany in any continental alliance, because they also feared being betrayed by Germany.

Hirobumi Itō believed that Japan could continue to wait until Britain was completely mired in a diplomatic predicament, at which point Britain would have no choice but to grant Japan greater power to act in Asia.

Itoh had plenty of patience, but the others were losing patience. The General Staff Headquarters building in Kasumigaseki 1-chome outside Sakuradamon was even larger than the Army Ministry building to the north. Just by comparing the size of the buildings, it was clear that the General Staff Headquarters was now the core of the Army.

At this time, the Chief of the General Staff was Iwao Oyama, and the Minister of the Army was Masatake Terauchi. Since the General Staff Headquarters building was closer to the Imperial Palace, it was quite reasonable for Aritomo Yamagata, who was only a member of the House of Peers at the time, to go to the General Staff Headquarters building for a visit after leaving the House of Peers.

This shows that Yamagata Aritomo still firmly controlled the army. On this particular day, Yamagata Aritomo came to visit Ōyama Iwao in the afternoon, but in reality, he came to inquire about the progress of the Russo-Japanese issue.

Oyama Iwao said to Yamagata Aritomo with considerable distress, "The Russo-Japanese issue is now inextricably linked to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. Without the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, we certainly cannot go to war with Russia, because that would trigger the hostile clauses of the Franco-Russian Alliance. The naval strength of France and Russia far surpasses that of Japan. Our country is even unpredictable in dealing with Russia alone. If the French and Russian navies attack together, Japan will have no choice but to surrender."

If an Anglo-Japanese Alliance could be formed, the British would at least be able to tie down a large portion of the French and Russian naval forces, giving my country a chance to defeat a portion of the Russian navy. If the navy could achieve victory, then the land battle would be much simpler, because even if things went badly, we could still prevent the Russians from crossing the strait and landing in Japan.

However, all suggestions regarding the Anglo-Japanese Alliance are now stuck in the hands of Prime Minister Ito. It seems that as long as he remains prime minister, we can forget about getting the government to agree to sign the Anglo-Japanese Alliance.

After a moment of silence, Yamagata Aritomo said, "Regarding the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, Ito and I have actually discussed it several times. He believes that the price offered by Britain is not high enough, so we cannot agree to sign the agreement."

Oyama Iwao looked at Yamagata Aritomo with suspicion and said, "Isn't the price the British are offering high enough? Does Lord Ito really think the British need this agreement more than we do?"

Yamagata Aritomo nodded silently, which silenced Ōyama Iwao. He had always been skeptical of Ito Hirobumi's assessment. In his view, Japan should now focus all its efforts on one direction: dealing with the Russians. Only by defeating the Russians could Japan consider its international standing. If it couldn't defeat the Russians, Japan wouldn't even be able to protect its own backyard, let alone intervene in international affairs.

However, Ito Hirobumi currently holds considerable power, with support not only from the Imperial Household Agency but also from the financial, political, and naval circles. This leaves the army somewhat isolated. If the army were to forcefully push for the Russo-Japanese War, it might easily become the target of public criticism. Moreover, the army's image among the public is not particularly high, and once it provokes resentment from various quarters, it will be difficult for the army to gain support.

Yamagata Aritomo was silent for a moment before continuing, "Let's not worry about the Anglo-Japanese Alliance for now. I think Ito's intention isn't to refuse to sign, but rather that the time isn't right. Let's talk about the army's operational plans first. If the Russo-Japanese War really breaks out, what are the army's chances of winning?"

Oyama sighed and said, "The Russian Empire is a great power. It surpasses us not only in naval strength but also in land forces. Russia has over a million regular troops, with three to four million in reserves. The only saving grace is that ninety percent of Russia's regular troops are deployed in Europe, with only 100,000 regular troops in the Far East."

Even so, when Russia deployed troops to Manchuria this time, it mobilized its reserves, bringing its Far East forces to over 17. Our army's total strength is about 37.5. After deducting domestic defense and troops stationed in Taiwan, Okinawa, Hokkaido, and other places, the forces that can be mobilized to fight on the mainland are probably no more than 25.

In other words, with our current strength, we can roughly gain the upper hand against the Russian Far Eastern Military District. However, once Russia enters the mobilization phase and transfers troops from Europe, our advantage will rapidly diminish. If Russia were to move 70% of its army to the Far East, we would inevitably face defeat.

After thinking for a long time, Yamagata Aritomo came to a conclusion: "Therefore, we still need to strike first. Only by eliminating the forces of the Russian Far Eastern Military District can we maintain the initiative even if Russia continues to move troops from Europe to the Far East. If the navy wins again, then the Russians will have no choice but to seek peace talks with us."

Oyama nodded and said, "Therefore, we need to sign the Anglo-Japanese Alliance as soon as possible. Only the British naval power can guarantee our country's victory over the Russian navy in naval battles. Ito's hesitation will only cause Japan to miss a golden opportunity."

Yamagata Aritomo's feelings were also very complicated. On the one hand, he was trying to drive the Russians out of Manchuria, and on the other hand, he was worried that if the war was lost, Japan would even have to export the Korean Peninsula, and the situation in East Asia would become too ugly.

Just as the two were talking, there was a knock on the office door, and Iwao Oyama let them in. Deputy Chief of Staff Ichiro Tamura, with a mixture of confusion and excitement, said to the two men in the office, "Marshal Yamagata, Chief of Staff Oyama, perhaps you should take a look at this telegram."

Yamagata Aritomo unceremoniously crossed the large rock to receive the telegram and asked, "Who sent this telegram?"

Oyama Iwao remained unmoved by Yamagata's actions, so Tamura replied to Yamagata, "It was sent by Saito Rikisaburo, the chief of staff of the Korean Army. I think this proposal is very feasible."

Yamagata Aritomo took the telegram and began to read it. He studied it for a full quarter of an hour before handing it to Oyama Iwao, who was standing next to him. Then he asked Tamura, the vice minister, "Bring me a map of the mainland."

Tamura immediately walked to the large porcelain jar next to him, found a map, and spread it out in front of Yamagata Aritomo. Although the Chief of the General Staff was Oyama Iwao, the work of the General Staff was mainly handled by him, the Deputy Chief. Therefore, he was very familiar with the location of the Trans-Siberian Railway and the Chinese Eastern Railway on the map.

Then Tamura said, "China and Russia share a long land border. Whether it is from Xinjiang, Outer Mongolia, or Manchuria, the Russian railways are under threat. Therefore, as long as China gets involved in this war, the Russian defenses will be greatly weakened, which would be a perfect situation for us."

Oyama Iwao had also finished reading the telegram. He frowned and said, "But the Chinese are simply not worth fighting. In this Northern Qing Incident, the Russians didn't even take a month to conquer Manchuria. What's the point of them joining this war? If the Russians attack China first, the Qing government will surrender very quickly."

Tamura's thoughts seemed to have been opened by this telegram. He immediately said, "The Chinese cannot be fought, but in order to keep the Chinese in check, the Russians need to mobilize a lot of troops. For example, in this Northern Qing Incident, although the Russians quickly conquered the entire Manchuria, they only occupied a few key transportation points in Manchuria, and did not even control all the main transportation lines. And this has already mobilized all of Russia's Far East forces."

Russia's preemptive attack on China is actually the best thing for us. Because launching an offensive from Russia into Outer Mongolia, Inner Mongolia, Shanxi, and North China would require two or three hundred thousand troops. The farther they advance, the further they are from the railway lines, creating more opportunities for our attack. Our target should be Harbin, not Lushun or Shenyang…”

The creation of the character Yutaka Takeuchi

A few days ago, a reader told me that Takeuchi Yutaka in my book was a member of Unit 731, which surprised me. I didn't look for any Japanese real-life counterparts for the name Takeuchi Yutaka; he was a fictional character created entirely for the sake of the plot.

Therefore, while explaining the situation to the reader, mentioning the book review on Longkong, I also looked up online information about Yutaka Takeuchi, a war criminal from Unit 731. The information I found online about him was as follows:

竹内丰，曾担任日本陆军医院中尉军医。在1954年11月他的供诉中这样写道:“我在中国山东省济南市北支那方面军济南陆军医院内科病室任军医中尉时，1943年8月1日至31日，被派到济南北支那防疫给水部济南支部。

Before I arrived, the branch leader had obtained 11 Eighth Route Army prisoners of war from the Jinan Military Police detachment for research experiments. Nine of the prisoners were used for inoculation experiments to test the infectivity of typhoid bacteria used in bacteriological warfare.

On the day I arrived at the branch, under the orders of the branch leader, Dr. Okada, a medical doctor and military doctor, I assisted Dr. Kimura, the head of the bacteriology laboratory, in conducting experiments. Dr. Kimura performed live dissections on Eighth Route Army prisoners of war in order to conduct experiments on bacterial infectivity.

While no further information is available, his statement that he served as a lieutenant medical officer in 1943 provides sufficient information. According to other sources, Mori Ōgai, at the age of 22, graduated from the Faculty of Medicine at Tokyo Imperial University, a truly outstanding student. Upon graduation, he was appointed as a lieutenant medical officer in the army and began working at the Tokyo Army Hospital.

Therefore, we can conclude that the starting rank for medical school graduates entering army hospitals is lieutenant. According to the old Japanese army officer promotion system, a second lieutenant had at least one year of service, a first lieutenant two years, a captain four years, a major, lieutenant colonel, and colonel two years each, a major general three years, and a lieutenant general four years.

Therefore, we can basically determine Takeuchi Yutaka's age. As a lieutenant medical officer in 1943, he couldn't have been older than 30, meaning he was born after 1913. The character Takeuchi Yutaka in this book was born around 1884, making the age difference nearly 30 years, and they are definitely not the same person.

Next, I'll talk about why I created the character Yutaka Takeuchi. In fact, when I created this character, I was considering a plot and then just made up a name on the spot.

The main plot is as follows: During the anti-shogunate war, the small domains played a game of opportunism between the shogunate and the imperial court. Without knowing who would win, they sent a group of lower-ranking samurai to resist the anti-shogunate army. However, after the anti-shogunate army won, the upper echelons of the domains immediately betrayed these lower-ranking samurai and defected to the imperial court.

What is the moral of this plot? The so-called nationalism or statism of unity between the upper and lower classes does not actually exist. From the beginning of the Boshin War, the upper class of Japan has been betraying the lower class in order to ensure the continuation of their own power.

This stark class divide has persisted from the late Edo period to the present day. The upper classes consistently create seemingly grand narratives to lure the lower classes into suicide, then use their sacrifices to solidify their own power. This is also the central theme of this book.

Therefore, in this plot structure, this character has absolutely no connection with the military doctor Takeuchi Yutaka; he can be called whatever he wants. He represents the vested interest class that profited from the anti-shogunate movement.

If you accuse two people of having the same name, I can understand that; it's a spontaneous aversion to fascism, and I, too, cannot accept fascism, which is an anti-humanitarian ideology. But to apply this rigidly and insist that I'm whitewashing the Unit 731 war criminals is something I simply cannot comprehend.

Because aside from this particular episode, Takeuchi Yutaka hardly appears again, so the question arises: do some people hate the war criminal Takeuchi Yutaka, or do they hate this particular episode? I also know that the theory of class struggle has never been favored by those who have vested interests.

However, I believe that the true beneficiaries of the system are unlikely to read this novel; they're busy owning yachts and buying estates. So, who exactly are these people who read this book yet feel aversion to class struggle?

My editor called me today and asked me to change Takeuchi Yutaka's name. I said I could, as it's really disgusting to share a name with a war criminal. So, I'll change it to Takeuchi No. That's how I came up with this piece. To those readers who genuinely feel uncomfortable because of the name, I apologize. To those who are simply disgusted by class struggle, I can only say that this book is not for you.

In the comments section of Longkong, some people called me an anti-Party, anti-system, anti-state, and anti-people sympathizer. My response is that you cannot represent the people. Of course, I cannot represent them either, because I am a member of the proletariat, but my stance leans towards that of intellectuals. If this were a socialist country, my stance would be center-right. I also feel helpless about the current situation where I am forced to stand on the left.

After rambling on for a while, I've finished my tasks for the morning, so that's it for this morning's update. Thanks again to my readers; your support is what kept me writing.

Chapter 107 Proud Kawara

With Tamura's explanation, Yamagata Aritomo and Oyama Iwao finally realized that while the Russians' strength did indeed overwhelm China and Japan, this was a comparison of the three countries' national power, ignoring geographical factors. Just as the Qing Dynasty hadn't even mobilized its forces before the Sino-Japanese War ended, Russia, if it wanted to fight a war against China and Japan in East Asia, would find it difficult to fully transfer its European national power to the East.

Tamura pointed to the map and said, "We know very well now that there is not a single factory in Manchuria that can supply ammunition to the Russian army. Even if there were such a factory, there would be no supporting raw material processing plant. Therefore, the Russian army's supplies in Manchuria must be transported from the rear."

This rear area refers first to a series of Russian Siberian towns west of Manzhouli, starting with Verkhovna Udinsk, then Irkutsk, then Krasnoyarsk, then Novonikoyevsk, and then western Siberia and Central Asia.

As for the cities along the Heilongjiang River and places like Vladivostok, they only have a few small factories and cannot provide logistical support for hundreds of thousands of troops. In other words, once we take Harbin and then advance westward along the railway, as long as we capture Verkhovna Udinsk, the connection between the European part of Russia and the Far East will be severed.

Without logistical support from Europe, the Russian forces in the Far East found themselves in a predicament: they wanted to concentrate their forces for a counterattack, but lacked the necessary supplies. If they dispersed to defend themselves, they would be vulnerable to being defeated piecemeal by our concentrated forces. This was a surprise attack strategy, a pincer movement; if successful, the outcome on land in the Far East would be decided in an instant.

Oyama Iwao said with some surprise, "When did the Navy start researching continental warfare? I don't recall Kawahara Yoichi having any innovative operational concepts."

Tamura Isozo didn't respond to his superior's words. He simply stared at the markings on the map, repeatedly pondering how the battle should be recalculated. Once his mind was opened, his view of the Russo-Japanese War suddenly became optimistic, and many ideas flooded his mind—a state he hadn't felt in a long time.

Yamagata finally looked up from the map, leaned back, and said, "This shouldn't be Kawahara's idea. If he really had such an idea, he could have brought it up directly when he submitted the memorial to the Imperial Household, and then we wouldn't even have a chance to complain. If the army needs the navy to guide the mainland operations, how can we object to the navy's request?"

Oyama Iwao remained silent, but he naturally understood Yamagata's meaning. If the navy presented this plan in front of the Emperor, and the army had no choice but to comply, then the land-based dominance and naval subordination would be impossible to maintain. However, the army currently lacked a comparable continental warfare plan, which was why it was willing to make concessions. Otherwise, Yamagata would not have stepped down but would have directly demanded war with Russia.

Yamagata paused for a moment before saying, "Send a telegram to Saito Rikisaburo, instructing him to stall Kawahara for now, but don't let him send telegrams to Tokyo. Tamura, how long do you need to turn this into a new plan?"

Tamura Itsuki hesitated for a moment. Although he somewhat understood Yamagata's meaning, he still said somewhat reluctantly, "A detailed plan will take at least three days."

Yamagata shook his head and said, "Every minute is crucial now, just one night. We can add details later. The important thing now is to make it a plan that His Majesty can see. I'll go to the palace to inquire. If the navy hasn't submitted any new plans, then tomorrow morning, Oyama and I will present the new plan to His Majesty together. Also, clean up Saito Rikisaburo's telegram drafts. The General Staff didn't receive any reports from him. This plan was Tamura's idea."

After a long silence, Tamura Itsuki said, "If Kawahara finds out, he might not let this go so easily."

Yamagata looked up at him and said, "In this kind of matter, whoever delivers it to His Majesty first wins. Why didn't Kawahara report to the Navy first? His Majesty won't delve into this matter. After all, the war hasn't started yet, and this is just a plan. His Majesty certainly won't dampen the army's enthusiasm for a plan."

However, we can offer some compensation to Kawahara, such as supporting his operations in Korea and ensuring he completes his mission with great fanfare. Oh, and by the way, Tamura, could you also check where Kawahara went on his journey from Tokyo to Korea and who he met? We need to at least know who our adversary is.”

Although somewhat reluctant, Tamura Iyozo nodded and accepted Yamagata's order in order to save face for the army. Kawahara Yoichi, who was in Seoul, Korea, was completely unaware of this. Living in the Japanese legation in Korea, he found that the situation in Korea was far more complicated than he had imagined in Tokyo.

Following the relocation of the Russian legation, under pressure from Russians and other governments, the Japanese army was forced to withdraw from Beijing, which directly led to the collapse of the pro-Japanese cabinet. Subsequently, a pro-Russian faction came to power in Korea, and King Gojong of Korea worked in the Russian legation for a year. Japan was forced to make concessions to Korea, granting Gojong a certain degree of autonomy, which allowed him to move out of the Russian legation.

On August 16, 1897 (the second year of the Jianyang era), shortly after moving out of the Russian legation, Yi Hee issued an edict changing the era name to "Gwangmu". On October 12, 1897 (the first year of the Gwangmu era), Yi Hee donned the 12-symbol imperial robe, offered sacrifices to Heaven at the Altar of Heaven, and ascended the throne. He appointed Queen Min as Empress (posthumously honored as "Empress Myeongseong") and Crown Prince Yi Cheok as Crown Prince. The following day, he issued an edict changing the country's name to "Korean Empire" and adopting the institutional system of the Ming Dynasty of China.

Afterwards, the Korean emperor ordered the abolition of the responsible cabinet system introduced during the Gapsin Reforms, restored the government system, and began to restore the monarchical autocracy. Although he also ordered the promotion of modernization in the economy and military and achieved some results, all of this was based on the fundamental premise of maintaining the autocratic system, which is the so-called "old system with new elements" approach (using the old system as the foundation and incorporating new elements).

Under this policy, the Korean Independence Association, which demanded complete reforms, was forcibly dissolved by King Gojong, and his court was filled with various factions. From the pro-Russian faction led by Jo Byung-shik and Min Jong-mok, to the pro-Japanese faction led by Lee Ji-yong and Yu Ki-hwan, to the pro-American faction led by Min Sang-ho and Min Yeong-hwan, and the close advisors to the king composed of Lee Yong-ik and Lee Geun-taek, the court had it all.

This radically regressive political system was essentially the Joseon Dynasty's usual practice of allowing dissenting opinions and checks and balances among ministers, thus ensuring the monarch's stability. But what was the significance of Yi Hee securing his position as Emperor of Korea in the face of this unprecedented upheaval? The Japanese army had only withdrawn from the capital, not from the Korean Peninsula.

After King Gojong suppressed the progressive forces of the Joseon Dynasty who sought enlightenment, the dynasty stagnated. The common people of Joseon were completely uninterested in his political and military reforms, as the economic reforms they cared about most remained stagnant.

The so-called "old rules, new policies" approach, for the North Korean people, essentially meant maintaining the existing social hierarchy while continuing to increase taxes to allow the lords to build a new army for their protection. No one except the lackeys would support such a thing, because only the lackeys would believe that if the lords drove out the foreigners, they would be less oppressed.

This is why, although the whole of Korea appears peaceful, everyone from the common people to the upper-class yangban feels that this country has nothing to do with them; this is Yi Hee's empire, not their homeland. Kawawa Yoichi couldn't even find someone to speak with Yi Hee, and naturally, he wouldn't rashly make this request before understanding the Korean emperor's attitude towards Japan's assistance in building the Korean Navy. Because once this issue is discussed, it will be a showdown.

Although Minister Hayashi Gonsuke helped him a lot and was quite interested in the China-Japan-South Korea alliance he proposed, he also frankly told him that Korean affairs were ultimately decided by the army, since the army was directly under the Emperor, and he had to go through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to get the Emperor's attention.

Kawahara Yoichi had no choice but to contact the army stationed in North Korea. At first, the other side was very indifferent, as if the Korean Peninsula had nothing to do with the navy. It wasn't until he proposed the three-nation anti-Russian alliance that the army's attitude improved slightly.

Soon, the army became very enthusiastic, not only helping him to meet with Korean ministers such as Yi Wan-yong, Yi Ji-yong, Yu Ki-hwan, Min Sang-ho, and Min Yeong-hwan, but also allowing him to meet some anti-Japanese nationalists who had been arrested by them. They also told him that the army could release these people if the navy needed them.

With the support of the army, Ha Won's operations in Korea suddenly became smoother. He finally persuaded Min Yeong-hwan, the chief bodyguard of King Gojong, to then advise the king on the naval construction plan. King Gojong had long had the idea of ​​rebuilding the navy, but his requests for help from the United States and Britain were blocked by Japan. Russia, fearing an escalation of conflict with Japan, also refused to help South Korea rebuild its navy, believing that it was enough for Korea to establish an army for self-defense.

Under these circumstances, Lee Hee realized that he could not build a navy without Japan's approval. Therefore, at the urging of Min Young-hwan, he finally met with Ha Won to discuss Japan's assistance in establishing a Korean navy. On June 11th, Ha Won and Lee Hee signed an agreement to establish the Korean navy, and on June 15th, Ha Won embarked on his return journey.

On June 20, Kawahara Yoichi arrived in Tokyo. He returned to the Ministry of the Navy to report his business trip to Ito Sukeyuki and handed over a copy of the agreement he had signed with Lee Hee.

Just as Kawahara was feeling quite pleased with himself, Ito Sukeyuki looked at him with a strange expression and said, "Are you saying that the idea of ​​a Japan-China-Korea anti-Russia alliance was yours? And that when the Russian army is bogged down in the war in China, Japan will launch an attack on Siberia via the Chinese Eastern Railway, reaching Lake Baikal to cut off Russia's connection with the Far East? Was that also your idea?"

Kawahara wasn't embarrassed at this point. After all, Lin Xinyi had only put forward a concept, and he had at least taken a step towards realizing it. So he nodded vigorously and said, "Yes, so the army was convinced by me. It was with their support that I was able to sign the agreement so smoothly in Korea this time."

Ito Sukeyuki stared at him in silence for a long time, then coldly asked, "Do you know what 'Lu Zhu Hai Cong' means?"

Chapter 108 Saigo's Illness

As Kawahara Kaname finally realized what was happening, Ito Sukeyuki immediately launched into a tirade: "You idiot! The army has already turned your idea into their own plan and submitted it to the Imperial Household."

The concept of "land-led, sea-follower" refers to the army formulating national policy and the navy following suit. However, the army is only talking about war with Russia but hasn't come up with a single operational plan. What gives them the right to formulate national policy?

If you send a telegram back first, the Russo-Japanese War will turn into a situation where the sea is dominant and the land is subordinate, and those bastards in the army will have nothing to say. Then the situation of the land being dominant and the sea being subordinate will be opened up immediately.

Compared to the overall interests of the Navy, what is the Naval General Staff's small budget?

Faced with Ito Sukeyuki's anger, Kawahara opened his mouth, but ultimately said nothing. He had finally realized that he had underestimated the plan and hadn't thought it could be used to pressure the army.

Of course, this was mainly because Nobuyoshi Hayashi had downplayed the plan, making it seem somewhat unrealistic to him. However, Kawahara deliberately ignored the fact that he was indeed not very politically astute, which is why he was sent to the Naval Academy by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe last time, and this time he missed another opportunity to turn the navy around.

After Ito Sukeyuki finished venting his anger, Kawahara murmured, "No wonder the army's attitude changed so quickly in Korea. I thought they were making concessions to us for the sake of the country."

Ito Sukeyuki looked at Kawahara and was speechless. Although his political acumen was only slightly better than Kawahara's, he could still see at a glance the importance of this plan to the navy. Kawahara had actually given it away to the army so easily, which made him wonder if the plan was actually Kawahara's own idea.

However, over the past month, the Army has cleaned up the whole affair. Ito Sukeyuki could only remind Kawahara once again not to reveal that he was the one who conceived the plan. This would only increase the Army's dissatisfaction with the Navy and would not bring any benefits to the Navy. Even the Imperial Household Agency would not hold the Army responsible for whoever conceived the plan.

When Kawahara said goodbye to Ito Sukeyuki's office, most of his excitement about returning to Tokyo had faded. The only thing that could comfort him was that, fortunately, the plan was just something Hayashi Shin-yi mentioned casually, so the one who would suffer the most was Hayashi Shin-yi, not himself.

Although the Navy missed the opportunity to instruct the Army on how to fight Russia, Kawara was still a success for the Naval General Staff. The agreement signed between the Navy and North Korea finally gave the Naval General Staff an independent budget, and the plan to build a new Naval General Staff building in Shinagawa finally became a plan on paper.

Just as the situation at the Naval General Staff was beginning to improve, the Navy was suddenly struck by an earthquake when Saigo Tsugumichi, the last of the Navy's elders, suddenly collapsed and was admitted to the naval hospital. Although the Satsuma faction still had Matsukata Masayoshi, the Navy had lost its backbone, which was undoubtedly a devastating blow to the Navy.

On July 18, Saigo collapsed and was admitted to the naval hospital. That evening, Ito Sukeyuki and Kawahara Yoichi went to visit him at the hospital, while Minister Yamamoto and Saito Makoto arrived even earlier. When both sides met outside the ward, their expressions were very solemn. At this point, neither side cared about the conflict between the Ministry of the Navy and the Naval General Staff, but instead prayed that Saigo's condition would not be too serious.

For the Navy, losing Saigo Tsugumichi would inevitably put it at a disadvantage compared to the Army. Although it was currently being suppressed by the Army, it could at least still put up a fight against the Army in front of the Emperor, and this was precisely because of the power of Saigo, a veteran. If Saigo were to leave, Matsukata Masayoshi would not completely side with the Navy against the Army, because his core followers were all in the Ministry of Finance.

After waking up, Saigo quickly met with the naval officers who were waiting outside. They noticed his listless demeanor, indicating his illness was serious. After a brief conversation, the doctor came in and advised Saigo to rest. Saigo nodded in agreement. However, just before they left, Saigo suddenly said to the last officer, Kawahara Yoichi, "Send a telegram to Togo and tell him to bring Hayashi Shin'ichi to Tokyo. I want to see him."

Kawahara was immediately alarmed upon hearing this; it seemed like he was preparing for his funeral. While worried about Saigo's condition, he immediately agreed to Saigo's request, saying he would send a telegram as soon as he returned.

Listening to Saigo Tsurudo's words, Yamamoto Gonbei, Saito Minoru, and Ito Sukeyuki all had subtle expressions, but the three of them ultimately remained silent and left Saigo's ward.

At noon on July 19th, Togo Masamichi received a telegram from Kawahara Yoichi in Tokyo. He dealt with his affairs for a while and didn't go to see Hayashi Shin'ichi until the third period in the afternoon. This period was Kendo class. In the Kendo classroom, Instructor Yamada saw the principal standing at the door and immediately went over to greet him.

Togo glanced around the classroom and then asked Yamada, "Where's student Hayashi Shin-yi?"