Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 201

Since Yamamoto Gonnohyōe has relinquished his position as Minister of the Navy as agreed, there is no need to maintain the alliance. With the core pillar of the Yamamoto faction gone from the Navy, the Yamamoto faction has lost its banner of command. As the main person in charge of the Navy's reforms, and with the legacy left by Saigō Tsugumichi, as long as he remains in the Navy, the position of the Yamamoto faction will be difficult to shake.

Although the new naval policy rejected the old policy advocated by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, it did not shake Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's prestige in the navy. It was just that his proposals could not be supported by other departments. However, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe still controlled the personnel power in the navy, a point that almost no one could challenge.

Lin Xinyi proposed that Yamamoto Gonnohyōe become prime minister, thus forcing him to effectively withdraw from the daily affairs of the navy. This proposal received support from Kawahara and others, as everyone was worried that if Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was pushed too far, he would use his power of personnel to carry out a major purge within the navy. Although Yamamoto would eventually step down as a result, each faction would inevitably suffer heavy losses.

However, the other individuals below Yamamoto, even his favored successor, Vice Admiral Saito Makoto, lacked sufficient prestige within the military to wield personnel power in the struggle against various factions. Therefore, the seemingly powerful Yamamoto faction, after Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's departure from the Navy, became roughly equal in status to the other factions, making it impossible to force them to unite in order to counter him.

In Hayashi Shin'ichi's view, the Hidaka Sonojo incident was merely an excuse used by various factions to dissolve the alliance. After all, with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe handing over the position of Minister of the Navy, the balance of power among the various factions within the Navy became quite even. At this point, each faction naturally wanted to further share the many positions vacated after the fall of the Yamamoto faction. Kawahara Yoichi's own strength was not enough to suppress the ambitions of these factions, so it was inevitable that they would turn against each other.

In Lin Xinyi's view, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's move to transfer Hidaka Sōnojō to the reserves before stepping down was a smart move. This not only disrupted the anti-Yamamoto faction alliance within the navy but also conveniently eliminated Hidaka Sōnojō, the most threatening figure to the Yamamoto faction. Why was Hidaka so feared by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe? Because Hidaka held the highest prestige in the fleet and was the leader of the Satsuma faction, making him irreconcilably opposed to Yamamoto, the leader of the Satsuma Central Ministry faction.

Yamamoto Gonbei was clearly worried that after he left the Navy, Saito Makoto would not be able to withstand the pressure from Hidaka, thus allowing the Hidaka faction to become the new leader of the Satsuma faction in the Navy. In that case, other factions might still be able to survive, but the Yamamoto faction would inevitably collapse, because both of them were rooted in the Satsuma faction. It was just that one had served on warships for a long time, while the other spent his whole life working in the central ministries.

Other factions can only suppress the Yamamoto faction, but the Yamamoto faction can wait for an opportunity to make a comeback. However, if Hidaka were to seize power, he could directly expel the Yamamoto faction from the Satsuma faction. In this way, Saito Makoto and others would become wandering ghosts in the Navy. Therefore, Hidaka must be purged from the Navy, and this must be done before Yamamoto Gonnohyōe leaves the Navy.

Kawahara's tacit acceptance of Yamamoto's actions clearly stemmed from his belief that he couldn't control Hidaka, so he figured it was better to go along with it and let Yamamoto get rid of him from the Navy. Although it was somewhat unethical, since Hidaka was Kawahara's ally, it would solve many of the problems that would arise after Hidaka became Minister of the Navy. Kawahara himself was from Satsuma, though not a core member, and he naturally knew that he couldn't compete with Hidaka for the hearts and minds of the Satsuma faction.

However, in the eyes of people like Akiyama Saneyuki, the smooth power transition within the Navy was disrupted by the Hidaka Incident, which put great pressure on the reformists. The reformists were a cross-faction within the Navy, meaning that their members had complex backgrounds. Some of them supported reform but had not broken away from their original factions. While they could maintain unity in policy struggles, their common interests were divided in personnel struggles.

What worries Akiyama is that even within the reformist faction, conflicting opinions have emerged following the collapse of the anti-Yamamoto alliance. Some believe that Kawahara should not have acquiesced to Yamamoto's decision to transfer Hidaka to the reserves, as this would be betraying his friend. If even one's own friends can be so easily betrayed, then is this naval reform truly for the navy, or for the power struggles of a particular person or faction?

Some argued that Yamamoto Kaisho should be held responsible for his actions, and that appointing his successor, Minister-General Kawahara, to bear the blame was clearly the wrong person. As for why Kawahara didn't correct Yamamoto's erroneous decision, no one could offer a convincing explanation, and Kawahara's refusal to comment further exacerbated the situation.

Akiyama came to pick up Lin Hsin-yi's boat because he felt that a split within the reformist faction seemed inevitable. That's why he came to give Lin Hsin-yi a heads-up so that he could prepare in advance and avoid being forced to make a statement by some members of the reformist faction.

Although Akiyama disliked cultivating interpersonal relationships, he was quite familiar with the social dynamics of Japan. He believed that Hayashi Shin-yi's current position was rather awkward, as everyone regarded him as one of Kawahara's men, and therefore would inevitably pressure him to make a statement. If Hayashi Shin-yi continued to defend Kawahara, people would turn their attention to him. Rather than directly attacking the new Minister of the Navy, it would be safer to attack Hayashi Shin-yi, a mere section chief. Moreover, everyone considered him to be Kawahara's face, so attacking him would be tantamount to slapping Kawahara in the face.

Lin Xinyi first thanked Qiushan for coming to inform him, but he refused Qiushan's suggestion not to return to the Military Command immediately. Qiushan believed that he should lay low for a while, and wait until those people couldn't help but attack others, then Lin Xinyi would not become the target of everyone's attacks. Qiushan hinted that he should go to Ito Genro to discuss the matter and, through Ito Genro's protection, escape from this power struggle.

It is clear that Akiyama is not optimistic about Kawahara's future. On the one hand, Kawahara made a private deal with Yamamoto, betraying his ally first, which makes Kawahara have no legitimacy. On the other hand, Kawahara's own power is not great. After being transferred from the Naval General Staff, Kawahara is still a lone figure in the Navy Ministry. This is also an important factor that makes everyone want to attack him. It is obviously the easiest way to remove him from his position as minister before he has secured his position.

Therefore, Akiyama felt that Hayashi Shin-yi should prioritize protecting himself from being implicated. After all, it was a personnel struggle, and even a colonel like himself had no say, let alone a lieutenant colonel like Hayashi Shin-yi. Hayashi Shin-yi did indeed wield some influence in the navy, so if anyone were to attack him, they certainly wouldn't hold back, which was Akiyama's biggest concern.

Chapter 665

Chapter 665

Lin Xinyi hesitated for a moment before refusing Akiyama's well-intentioned advice. He said to Akiyama, "The reason I was called back is precisely to solve the problem. If I avoid the problem and run to seek the protection of Elder Ito, then the problems in the Navy will continue to fester, destroying the current reform situation and ultimately leading to conservatism. In that case, my reform proposals for the Navy will be dead. If that situation ultimately occurs, I would rather be forced to retire than avoid these people."

Akiyama Shinichi was momentarily at a loss for words, but he knew that Lin Xinyi's words were genuine and not just pretense. Although a reformist group had emerged in the navy, most of them did not regard reforming the navy as a belief, even he and Sato. They simply felt that the current navy did not meet their understanding of a world-class navy, so the system needed reform. However, they had no idea what kind of fleet the reform could build, and simply used the British Royal Navy as a model.

Of course, no country's navy in this era was not learning from the British Royal Navy. Only the British themselves were constantly overthrowing the old system. Therefore, the more they learned from the British Royal Navy's system, the more they felt awe for the Royal Navy and found it difficult to make up their minds to regard it as their opponent.

This sense of fear is not unique to the Japanese. The fear that the US Navy and the German Navy have of the British Royal Navy is so obvious that it is immediately apparent. The navies of these two countries have developed the most rapidly in the last decade. Anyone with eyes can see that the purpose of these two countries' naval development is to compete with the British Navy for control of regional waters.

However, they are too close to the British mainland, so even though the two countries have launched more warships than Japan, they can only guard their own coastal areas and dare not expand outwards. It seems that in the eyes of the German and American naval commanders, they cannot challenge the Royal Navy's authority in the slightest until their warships exceed the tonnage of the British Royal Fleet.

The reason Japan was able to wage a major war against Russia in the East Asian seas was because East Asia was too far from the British mainland, and the prestige of the British Royal Navy wasn't as intimidating as it seemed. Ordinary people might simply think the British Royal Navy was powerful and that their country should also have such a fleet to defend itself. However, only by deeply studying the history of the British Navy can one truly grasp the overwhelming sense of despair that comes with witnessing its glorious past.

Therefore, apart from Hayashi Nobuyoshi and the young lieutenants who believed in him, almost no one in the naval reform faction regarded the British Royal Fleet as a rival to the Japanese Navy. In their minds, the purpose of the reform was to elevate themselves and make the navy the second largest in the world, second only to the British Royal Navy. But no one thought that the purpose of the reform was to challenge the hegemony of the British Royal Fleet in Asia.

This is the reason why Akiyama Saneyuki always held Hayashi Shin-yi in high regard. Like his teacher Mahan, Hayashi Shin-yi actually regarded the British Royal Navy as an adversary and racked his brains to consider how to challenge the hegemony of the British Royal Navy.

However, his teacher Mahan advocated following the British path, which ultimately left the British with no way to go. Mahan's naval strategy was based on a comparison of the population and natural resources of the British Isles with those of the United States. In Mahan's view, although the British Empire's territory, natural resources, and total population all exceeded those of the United States, the British Empire could only truly exert its power in the British Isles, or more precisely, only in the English and Welsh. This number was actually no more than the white population in the core of the northeastern United States.

In terms of the distribution of natural resources, the United States' resources are distributed on the same continent, and its vast inland areas ensure that maritime forces cannot easily invade these resource points. In contrast, the natural resources of the British Empire are distributed all over the world. If the British wanted to ensure that the natural resources of the British Empire could be utilized, they had to maintain the safety of maritime navigation. Therefore, Mahan proposed the theory of sea power.

The core idea of ​​sea power theory is that a large island nation like the United States can weaken its own maritime power and disrupt maritime trade, thereby causing empires like Britain, which rely heavily on maritime shipping, to lose their hegemony. This idea might be somewhat applicable to Germany, since if Germany achieved hegemony on the European continent, it could truly threaten the nearby British Isles, forcing Britain to concentrate its naval power on the British Isles, thus making it difficult to maintain global maritime security.

Japan is not actually suited to the theory of sea power, because the basis of the theory is that a self-sufficient continental country forces maritime nations to relinquish their hegemony by disrupting maritime trade routes. Japan and Britain are in similar situations, both being island nations that cannot be self-sufficient. If Japan were to pursue the ideology of sea power, it would be tantamount to disrupting its own safe navigation for foreign trade, since the maritime order established by the British also protected Japan, which needed overseas trade to develop.

Although Akiyama Saneyuki studied sea power theory, after delving deeper into his studies, he realized that this theory was not for dominating the seas, but specifically for dealing with island nations like Britain and Japan, which lacked abundant domestic resources. Therefore, after returning to Japan, he did not particularly advocate sea power theory, but instead proposed the theory of decisive naval battles.

The theory of a decisive naval battle is based on Japan's actual situation. Japan is not the British Empire, which can rely on the abundant resources of its overseas colonies to continuously replenish its naval strength. For a resource-poor country like Japan, building a fleet is already a huge undertaking. If this fleet fails, then Japan will not be able to rebuild its navy in a short period of time.

Therefore, Akiyama Saneyuki's philosophy was that the enemy's fleet must be defeated in a decisive naval battle to force them to abandon their hostile actions against Japan. If they could not win, Japan would not need to consider future naval development, because Japan would not have the time and resources to rebuild its navy.

While Akiyama's theory of a decisive naval battle was not particularly groundbreaking, it grasped the key point that Japan was a resource-poor island nation. Naturally, this garnered the support of the naval leadership, who understood Japan's inherent disadvantages as a resource-scarce island nation. This was why Japan took such a risky, desperate action in the First Sino-Japanese War. However, their knowledge base was not yet as developed as Akiyama's, which allowed them to translate their views into a practical theory of decisive battle. Therefore, they expressed great admiration upon hearing Akiyama's theory of a decisive battle.

However, Lin Xinyi's theory of sea power differs from Mahan's. He argues that the strength of the British Royal Navy lies in the global colonial system established by the British Empire. As long as this system is maintained, the British Royal Navy cannot be defeated. To defeat the British Royal Navy, the first step is to dismantle the global colonial system established by Britain. Once this global colonial system collapses, the British Royal Navy will have no choice but to withdraw from the world, because a navy cannot exist in the long term in seas without logistical support or secure bases.

Akiyama believes that both Lin Xinyi's theory of sea power and his teacher Mahan's theory of sea power pointed out that the key to defeating the British Royal Fleet was to defeat the British Empire behind it. However, Mahan's theory of sea power was ultimately more military theory than political ideology, while Lin Xinyi's theory of sea power was more political ideology than military theory. Although the two had different focuses, they can both be said to have pioneered new paths in naval theory.

In fact, Akiyama had written to his teacher, Mahan, to ask about some of Lin Xinyi's ideas, which also piqued Mahan's interest in his philosophy. Although Mahan was no longer teaching apprentices, he still extended an invitation to Akiyama, saying that he was writing a book called "Naval Strategy" and suggested that Akiyama come to the United States to be his assistant.

Even Mahan, the teacher, believed that Lin Xinyi's propositions were sufficient for discussing naval strategy with him. However, Akiyama Saneyuki knew that he could not recommend Lin Xinyi to his teacher. A Japanese student learning from his teacher would only attract the curiosity of people from other countries, but an assistant to his teacher in naval strategy research would inevitably attract the attention of various countries. If the British investigated, they would probably find out who they had lost to in India, which would not be good for either Lin Xinyi or Japan.

Because his teacher approved of Lin Xinyi's proposals, Akiyama valued Lin Xinyi highly. Such a young man was undoubtedly the brightest star of the future for the Japanese Navy. Therefore, he did not want Lin Xinyi to be involved in the quagmire of internal personnel struggles within the Navy. Even a meritorious senior like Hidaka had been humiliated and driven out of the Navy, let alone Lin Xinyi, who had not yet risen to a high-ranking position in the Navy.

However, Lin Xinyi's refusal made Akiyama Saneyuki realize once again that, compared to them, Lin Xinyi truly regarded reforming the navy as his purpose in entering the navy. For him, his personal future in the navy was not important; what mattered was whether he could guide the navy in the direction he envisioned.

Akiyama Saneyuki truly didn't know how to persuade someone with such pure ideals. He felt that if he continued to try to persuade him, he would be being too opportunistic. Akiyama himself wasn't actually that concerned about his personal future in the Navy; what mattered to him was personal feelings. He joined the Navy at his brother's request, and his proposal of new ideas within the Navy was a response to his superiors' appreciation.

Akiyama wasn't particularly concerned with gaining personal status within the navy, but for the support of his colleagues and subordinates, he had to accept some of the logic of power struggles. Personally, however, he preferred pure idealists like Hayashi Shin-yi. He often overlooked the fact that Hayashi Shin-yi was no less cunning than those involved in power struggles; it's just that Hayashi Shin-yi always confined his struggles to the level of ideological maneuvering, making them seem much purer.

Therefore, Lin Xinyi's words actually suited his taste quite well. To disregard everything for an ideal was precisely the path that Akiyama Saneyuki himself wanted. Faced with such an ideal, he seemed somewhat unable to persuade Lin Xinyi to abide by the rules of reality.

In contrast, Sato Tetsutaro was seen by Akiyama as being too pragmatic. First, he proposed the idea of ​​"sea as master and land as servant" to cater to Yamamoto, and then, in order to cater to naval expansionists, he distorted Mahan's theory of sea power and proposed the theory of the expansion of Japanese sea power.

Sato's "Theory of Imperial Defense" is essentially a replication of the expansion history of the British Royal Navy. However, Sato ignores the fact that the growth of the British Royal Navy is inseparable from Britain's leading position in the Industrial Revolution. When other parts of the world were still agricultural countries, the British Royal Navy, having just completed the initial stages of the Industrial Revolution, could expand as it pleased and had no rivals at all.

However, with the current global colonial system already established, not only have Europe and North America completed the Industrial Revolution, but even other parts of Asia have begun to develop their own industries. At this time, simply copying the expansion history of the British Royal Navy would be futile and simply impossible to implement.

Akiyama did not believe that Sato was unaware of this point. In private conversations and when Sato proposed his theory of naval decisive battle, Sato was always rational and offered correct opinions. Therefore, Sato's expansionist propositions in "The Theory of Imperial National Defense" were not actually his ideals at all, but rather he made such propositions because he knew they would please expansionists in the navy.

Seeing Akiyama's hesitant expression, Lin Xinyi knew that his senior was once again caught up in self-reflection. In his view, Akiyama Saneyuki wasn't exactly a genius strategist, but Akiyama was indeed a genius. However, the biggest problem plaguing this genius was his inability to define his own identity. Sometimes he was Akiyama Yoshifuru's younger brother, sometimes Mahan's disciple, and sometimes a strategist for the Japanese Navy. He tried to play each role well, but forgot who Akiyama Saneyuki was.

Because Akiyama Saneyuki tried so hard to please everyone, he was well-liked among the Navy's reformist faction. However, when problems arose, the reformists either sided with Sato or others, because everyone felt that Akiyama lacked a certain firm belief, making it hard for them to believe that he would achieve final victory.

So Lin Xinyi frankly said to Akiyama Saneyuki, "Senior, I didn't return empty-handed this time. I brought back an important plan to unite the naval reformists. Therefore, I need to return to the Naval General Staff first, let the core members of the reformists hear about this plan, and then turn this plan into the will of the Navy. Once the Navy has a unified will, the current personnel disputes will naturally be suppressed. For the sake of the Navy's overall interests, what do personal dissatisfaction matter?"

Akiyama Saneyuki was jolted awake by Hayashi Shin's words. He momentarily forgot his hesitation and asked in surprise, "What kind of plan could make the reformists abandon their personnel differences? Didn't you go to China for your honeymoon? Even if you were discussing cooperation between Japan, China, and India, it shouldn't have affected the personnel struggles within the navy, right?"

"It's related to the southward expansion strategy..." Lin Xinyi mentioned, but quickly stopped. He then greeted his wife. It turned out that the two had already reached the carriage. Akiyama Saneyuki didn't want to ask any further questions, so he could only get into the carriage with his doubts.

On the carriage, Lin Xinyi enthusiastically talked about some interesting things that happened during his travels in China, which greatly eased the anxiety of Akiyama and Domoto. The two had come to pick up Lin Xinyi because they were worried, because they both felt that a storm was about to break out within the Navy, and that Kawahara, the new Navy Minister, did not have the power of Yamamoto Gonbei to keep the storm under control.

Although the Yamamoto faction had lost the previous ideological struggle, it was confined by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe to the central government ministries and was not allowed to spread to other naval units. The Fleet faction's support for Yamamoto was actually limited to officers in the Combined Fleet Command expressing concern about the downsizing issue; they made almost no public statements regarding the debate between the old and new naval policies.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's ability to control the situation and prevent the factional struggle from escalating, while costing him the opportunity to suppress naval reformist forces, also maintained stability within the navy, thus creating a peaceful transfer of power. In this respect, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe ultimately prioritized the navy's interests over factional interests, earning the respect of others.

This is also why the anti-Yamamoto alliance was dissatisfied with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's expulsion of Hidaka from the Navy before leaving office, but did not target Yamamoto Gonnohyōe himself. This is because Yamamoto Gonnohyōe had shown great restraint, only transferring Hidaka, who posed the greatest threat to the Yamamoto faction, to the reserve, and did not expel other opponents from the Navy.

What displeased all factions was Kawahara. He had only taken over the position of Minister of the Sea with everyone's support. He had no chance of succeeding others on his own. Even Shibayama Yahachi, who had long lost power, was more qualified to serve as Minister of the Sea based on his resume.

However, Kawahara abandoned Hidaka as soon as he came to power, which naturally aroused dissatisfaction among the people, who felt that he was ungrateful and immoral. On the contrary, people felt that Yamamoto Gonbei's actions were more understandable. You can't expect a tiger to give up his territory without paying a price, and Hidaka was that price.

Therefore, when Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was in office, the situation in the Navy was relatively clear: it was simply a matter of choosing between the increasingly unpopular Yamamoto-Saito faction in power and the growing anti-power alliance led by Kawahara. Everyone only needed to choose one of the two. But now, however, the Navy has developed a situation of infighting among various factions, and the choice of whom is extremely uncertain, which naturally makes both of them anxious.

Chapter 666

Chapter 666

Sato Tetsutaro was handling official business when Akiyama Saneyuki knocked on the door and came in. He then asked, "Nobuyoshi is back. Where is he now? When will he meet with us?"

Sato understood Akiyama Saneyuki's mindset. He knew that Akiyama's special trip to pick up Hayashi Nobuyoshi was essentially to persuade him to temporarily avoid the turmoil within the Navy. Although Akiyama was a senior, his relationship with Hayashi Nobuyoshi was closer than that of ordinary close seniors and juniors. In Sato's view, Akiyama seemed to revere Hayashi Nobuyoshi as another Akiyama Yoshifuru, which actually made him quite uneasy.

As a disciple of Mahan, a world authority on naval theory, Akiyama Saneyuki was always highly regarded by the naval leadership, which actually made Sato quite jealous. After all, he had also returned from studying in Britain, the world's leading naval power. In Sato's view, the US Navy was no match for the Royal Navy at all, and Mahan's reputation had not brought about any substantial changes to the US Navy; it was simply a case of being undeserving of the reputation.

However, as other countries have caught up with industrialization, the British Navy can no longer rely on its technology and industrial capabilities to overwhelm other navies. Although the Royal Navy still has one or two unique skills, in terms of the basic parameters of its main warships, it is not difficult for other industrialized countries to match, especially Germany and France. They can also manufacture warships with the same combat power as the British main warships, only at a higher cost.

Therefore, when Britain showed signs of weakness in the Boer War, challenging its global hegemony became almost an open public opinion. It was this public opinion that led to the sudden emergence of sea power theory as the world's leading naval construction theory. Mahan remained a colonel until his retirement, but this year he was specially granted the rank of reserve major general by Congress. Although this act was not specifically created for Mahan, among the US reserve colonels who participated in the Civil War, apart from Mahan, all others had long since left the military field.

The US Navy began to place greater emphasis on Mahan's theories because the disastrous defeat of the Russian European Fleet in the Russo-Japanese War proved the validity of the sea power theory. A fleet without logistics and supply ports cannot defeat its opponent in waters controlled by the enemy fleet. The Japanese Navy, through its control of the East Asian seas, easily defeated the Russian fleet, which was of comparable strength. The Americans completely disregarded the Japanese Navy's boasts of bravery; they only saw the devastating impact of the lack of logistics on the Russian expeditionary fleet.

Thus, the U.S. Navy, which had previously regarded Mahan's theory of sea power as merely a historical research work, saw Mahan's research on naval history lead him to become president of the American Historical Association after his retirement. This actually shows that the U.S. Navy did not really understand the significance of the theory of sea power. However, this war changed the U.S. Navy's view of the theory of sea power.

In other words, the past praise for Mahan's naval theories was mainly driven by a desire to challenge British maritime hegemony, using Mahan's theories to demonstrate that British maritime dominance was not sacred and inviolable. However, after the Russo-Japanese War, navies around the world finally realized that Mahan's theory of sea power was feasible. As long as a region's maritime navigation rights were controlled, then a major power outside the region could not challenge the major power that controlled that sea area with equal strength.

The outcome of the Russo-Japanese War further fueled the ambitions of regional powers to challenge British naval dominance in the region. Mahan thus transformed from a historical research expert into a true expert in naval construction theory, and Akiyama Saneyuki's status in the Japanese Navy naturally rose accordingly, forcing this highly educated student who had returned from studying in England to take a backseat.

However, a major obstacle for Tetsutaro Sato was Akiyama Saneyuki, who also aspired to be the leading figure in Japanese naval theory. Although the British Royal Fleet was powerful, its naval construction and operational theories were quite outdated. Naturally, it was difficult for him to compete with internationally renowned naval theorists like Mahan on theoretical matters. After all, for the British, who were already the world's leading navy, the goal was to maintain their position rather than seek out new theories.

Therefore, although Tetsutaro Sato published some works on the history of the Royal Navy, Akiyama Saneyuki is still more widely regarded as the superior figure. This is because Akiyama, a student of Mahan, truly demonstrated the principle of overcoming the strong with the weak, while the Royal Navy's theory was based on brute force. For the Royal Navy, the question was not how many enemies there were, but where they were. The Royal Navy was confident in destroying any enemy on the battlefield because they had the powerful British Empire as their backing.

However, such a combat theory was not very suitable for Japan. If the Japanese navy suffered a defeat, the enemy would be forced to approach the homeland, and Japan would have no chance to make a comeback. Therefore, Sato Tetsutaro's theory of imperial defense was suitable for boosting morale and winning budgets, but it was obviously not suitable as a guiding theory for the navy.

However, Akiyama, an obstacle that seemed insurmountable to him, was now bowing down to a young junior. Although he acknowledged that Lin Xinyi had achieved incredible victories in both actual combat and ideological struggles, Sato believed that in terms of naval construction theory, Lin Xinyi, a military academy student who had not studied abroad, should not be superior to him and Akiyama, who had studied in Britain and the United States.

Because of Akiyama's constant praise of Hayashi Nobuyoshi, the ranking of the three naval staff officers became Hayashi Nobuyoshi first, Akiyama second, and Sato last. But who would care what the third-ranked officer said? So Sato was very dissatisfied with this. He acknowledged that Hayashi Nobuyoshi could become a powerful figure like the Minister of the Navy in the future, but in the field of theoretical research, Hayashi Nobuyoshi should not be elevated so high.

Therefore, Sato was actually watching the chaos within the navy from the sidelines. After all, the various factions were attacking the Kawahara faction, and he was likely biased towards Saito. So, Saito's transfer from Vice Minister of the Navy to Chief of the Naval General Staff wasn't necessarily a bad thing for him. If Hayashi Shin'ichi could be brought down, that wouldn't be bad news either.

However, Sato would not show this thought. After all, the key figures of the reformist faction were actually Hayashi Nobuyoshi, Akiyama, and himself. Their reputations were intertwined; if one was on the rise, the other was on the fall. Others could switch sides and side with the conservatives, but the three of them could not, because the reformist theory was established by them. Abandoning the banner of reform would be tantamount to abandoning their own path of development in the navy.

Therefore, Sato naturally cannot allow anyone to feel that he has any opinion about Hayashi Shin-yi, as this would only lead to a split in the reformist faction. With Akiyama's support, Hayashi Shin-yi would soon be able to expel him from the core of the reformist faction, which is what Sato is most dissatisfied with, because he finds that he has no means to retaliate.

Although Akiyama Saneyuki found Sato's enthusiasm somewhat uncomfortable, he quickly brushed it aside, as he never doubted comrades, and replied, "Yes, we just got off the train. Lin Xinyi took Miss Muzi back to her dormitory. He invited us to his home for lunch and to talk about some things."

The young staff officers of the General Staff would rent local houses as dormitories. Officers like Lin Xinyi, who had families, would mostly rent a detached house to settle their small families. Because the local area refused to allow the railway to pass through, the local housing prices were not as high as those in areas where the railway passed through. For the officers, the rent here was still quite low.

During the Edo period, this area was considered a prosperous part of the Tokaido route, so the houses here were actually quite nice. Apart from lacking modern amenities, they largely conformed to the Japanese aesthetic standards for housing. Although Hayashi Shin-yi purchased land in downtown Tokyo to build a private residence, he still rented a courtyard near the Naval General Staff Headquarters as a place to rest during his commute.

However, this courtyard was mainly used by Akiyama Saneyuki to communicate and hold meetings with his reformist comrades. Because Hayashi Shinji believed that it was unsafe to discuss naval reform matters in a ryotei (traditional restaurant), the core members of the reformist faction would hold meetings in this courtyard.

Sato was surprised by Akiyama's words and couldn't help but ask, "Doesn't he plan to meet with Vice Commander Togo first, but instead wants to meet with us? Did you not explain the current situation within the Navy to him?"

Akiyama Saneyuki replied solemnly, "I've already made it very clear to him, but Nobuyoshi believes this is a golden opportunity for the reformists to make their mark. Whether some people truly prioritize the Navy's interests over their own, or are merely using the guise of caring for the Navy's future while actually pursuing personal gain, will all be clearly revealed this time. Therefore, he believes the reformists should use the current situation to differentiate between the various individuals within the Navy, thereby making the reformists the true mainstream of the Navy."

Sato was at a loss for words. He couldn't understand how to distinguish the groups within the Navy in such a chaotic situation. Strictly speaking, the reformists did not have the power to do this at the moment. Although the Navy agreed that it should make some changes to get rid of those outdated traditions, it did not mean that the reformists were the leaders of the changes that the Navy expected.

To be more precise, the reformist group cannot represent the forces of change within the Navy. Although the Yamamoto-Saito faction were conservatives who maintained the old system, other anti-Yamamoto factions did not completely reject the old system. They only rejected the old system maintained by the Yamamoto faction. The reformist faction can only be considered one force within the Navy that supports change.

Therefore, when Lin Xinyi suggested making a distinction among the current personnel within the Navy and turning the reformists into the mainstream of the Navy, Sato believed it was unrealistic. This was because others did not recognize the reformists as the only force for change within the Navy. They saw it as merely a private organization of young officers and would find it difficult to step onto the Navy's main stage and gain official recognition.

Faced with Sato's skepticism, Akiyama could only say, "Nobuyoshi seems to have some new ideas. He's done something in China that seems to be related to the Southward Expansion Strategy. If it can advance the Southward Expansion Strategy, then what he said isn't impossible."

Sato exclaimed, “While the southward expansion strategy is a consensus within the navy, we currently lack the foundation to move south. Even if the Chinese establish cooperative relations with us, we still cannot challenge the European powers entrenched in Southeast Asia. Although the Anglo-Japanese Alliance gained Britain's understanding, it also limited our expansion into Southeast Asia. Moving south now would be challenging the order established by Britain in Southeast Asia. Mindanao was an accident; the Americans voluntarily gave it up, not that we seized it from them. I don't believe a miracle can happen again.”

Akiyama Saneyuki remained silent for a moment before replying, "But this miracle was created by faith. Without faith pointing the way, who in the navy would have thought of using the construction of the Panama Canal to force the Americans to make concessions on the issue of the ownership of the Philippine Islands? I believe he was well-prepared and not just talking nonsense."

Sato stared at Akiyama for a long time, noticing the unwavering determination in his gaze. Clearly, Akiyama's confidence in Hayashi Shinichi surpassed Sato's own assessment. He stopped trying to argue with Akiyama; such matters could be determined simply by hearing it from his own ears.

Although Lin Xinyi himself didn't often stay in the dormitory, he frequently lent it to the reformists for meetings, so a couple was hired to maintain its cleanliness. The courtyard, though small, was very tidy. Mu Zi, though visiting for the first time, quickly grew fond of the quiet Japanese-style courtyard. However, she soon realized her mistake; the so-called quiet courtyard soon became lively with the arrival of the officers. She then understood why Lin Xinyi hadn't let her prepare lunch, but instead had a banquet booked from a nearby restaurant.

The reformist faction was certainly not limited to the General Staff Headquarters, but its core members were undoubtedly the young officers and generals there. This was because reformist members in other units couldn't gather so frequently, and therefore couldn't easily translate their ideas into the group's will. The General Staff Headquarters had reformist members in all four departments and twelve offices, so Kawahara, while in charge, never worried about orders not being carried out. His orders, combined with the reformist faction's organizational power, could effectively sideline any department head who dared to oppose him.

However, things didn't go so well for Kawahara after he arrived at the Navy Ministry. Although the Minister of the Navy had much more power than the Chief of the Naval General Staff, Kawahara had no supporters in the Navy Ministry. At this time, Togo Masamichi had not yet been officially transferred to the Navy Ministry. Togo Heihachiro and Shibayama Yahachi, as the First and Second Vice Ministers of the Navy, did not carry out Kawahara's orders, so Kawahara's orders could not be turned into official documents and issued.

This is also the root cause of the current chaos within the Navy. Kawahara cannot control Togo Heihachiro and Shibayama Yahachi, and Togo Masamichi's transfer procedures are not yet complete. Even if Togo Masamichi completes his transfer procedures, it will not be easy for him to establish his authority in the Navy Ministry in a day or two. It is precisely because the power struggle in the Navy Ministry has not yet been resolved that various factions are attempting to reshape the distribution of naval power.

The reformist faction entrenched in the Naval General Staff was also becoming anxious about Kawahara's ability to control the naval situation, leading to internal divisions. The reformists supported Chief of Staff Kawahara with the aim of using him to turn their proposals into administrative orders from the Ministry of the Navy. However, if Kawahara couldn't suppress other factions, was it still necessary for the reformists to tie themselves to him?

For example, Arima Ryōtachi, in his personal relationships with Kawahara Yōichi and Tōgō Heihachirō, naturally leaned towards Tōgō Heihachirō. Without a justifiable cause, Arima would never have opposed his benefactor. Arima's attitude also influenced a group of reformist members, who believed that the disagreement between Minister Kawahara and the two vice-ministers wasn't about naval policy, but rather a power struggle between Kawahara and the two vice-ministers, and that they had no need to get involved in such a personal power struggle.

What the reformists were worried about was that their unconditional support for Kawahara would directly trigger a departmental struggle between the Navy Ministry and the Naval General Staff. After all, in struggles that did not involve issues of policy, the Naval General Staff had no right to interfere in the conflict between the Vice Minister of the Navy and the Minister. The Navy Ministry was already dissatisfied with the expansion of the Naval General Staff's power, and with this excuse, it would inevitably take countermeasures.

Although Sato Tetsutaro and Akiyama Saneyuki did not share the same attitude, both of them wanted to avoid internal conflicts within the Ministry of the Navy. This is why the reformist members asked Hayashi Nobuyoshi to make a statement. Once Hayashi Nobuyoshi made his stance clear, those within the reformist faction who supported Kawahara would lose their legitimacy in protecting him.

The fact that Lin Xinyi didn't meet with Togo and Kawahara immediately upon his return, but instead met with the core of the reformist faction first, actually garnered goodwill from everyone. This showed that Lin Xinyi valued the reformist group more than his personal feelings for Kawahara and Togo, so the members attending the meeting were somewhat more relaxed, and the tension was no longer as palpable as before.

Inside the large room of the longhouse, more than ten officers sat around on the tatami mats, forming an oval-shaped circle. Lin Xinyi sat in the middle, surveying the officers without flinching before clearing his throat and saying, "Now that everyone is here, I'll get straight to the point."

The reason I invited everyone here is to discuss something. I hope you can cooperate with me in drafting a military exercise plan. The plan involves Japan and China cooperating to launch an attack on an invading country occupying Shandong, China. The purpose of this plan is to maintain a peaceful environment in East Asia and to achieve close military cooperation between Japan and China…”

The officers present were somewhat taken aback; this seemed quite different from what they had expected from the meeting. Sato Tetsutaro was the first to react, and he couldn't help but ask, "Isn't this clearly targeting the Germans? While driving German forces out of Shandong is the navy's objective, such an open declaration might provoke the German government's displeasure with our country..."

Chapter 667

Chapter 667

　Sato Tetsutaro's doubts represented the sentiments of most people present. Even Akiyama Masayuki looked at Lin Xinyi with suspicion. He believed that Lin Xinyi would not speak without reason, but he did not know more than the others. After all, the two had not talked for long enough, and he did not fully understand Lin Xinyi's thoughts.

Facing the astonished gazes of the officers from the General Staff, Lin Xinyi calmly replied, "The purpose of holding this Sino-Japanese military exercise is certainly not to provoke the German government. This is a solemn warning to the German government. We will use this exercise to tell the Germans that they are now isolated in the world. Either they obediently bow down and admit defeat to the Allied Powers of Britain and France, or they have to consider the security of Germany's overseas investments after the outbreak of war with Britain and France."

Akiyama immediately understood, and he subconsciously said, "You mean, if the Germans realize that they, like Russia, are isolated by the British-led international order, then the Germans will voluntarily give up their sphere of influence in Shandong in exchange for the safety of German capital in China? That is indeed possible. Germany's investment in Wuhan has exceeded its investment in Qingdao, and its investment in Qingdao's urban construction and the Jiaoji Railway construction alone has exceeded the total investment Germany has made in other parts of Asia. In order to protect these assets, Germany may well make concessions in other areas."

The other officers, upon hearing this, quickly realized that after defeating the Russian Far East Fleet, Germany's leased territory in Jiaozhou Bay in Shandong had become a thorn in the side of the Japanese Navy. Although Japan was forced to recognize Kwantung Leased Territory as Chinese territory and acknowledge the Chinese government's restored jurisdiction over the area, the Japanese Navy still pressured the Chinese government to promise not to restore the military fortress of Lushun and not to open the Liaodong Peninsula to other powers' navies, thus gaining control of nearly half of the Yellow Sea.

However, the German Far East Fleet's base in Qingdao meant that the Japanese Navy's control over the Yellow Sea was incomplete and difficult to defend. The Shandong Peninsula was like a dagger aimed at the Korean Peninsula. The German Far East Fleet could use Shandong as a base to compete with Japan for control of the Korean Peninsula. Japan's control over the Korean Peninsula was so weak that as long as the German fleet appeared in the waters near Korea, Japan's control over the Korean Peninsula would almost certainly collapse.

While Korea's subservience to powerful nations might have secured its rule over Korea after Japan defeated Qing and Russia, similarly, when another major power emerged near the Korean Peninsula, Koreans could abandon Japan and embrace that power. Just as the British used Japan to contain China and Russia, Germany could similarly use Korea to contain Japan.

Therefore, driving the Germans out of Shandong was a consensus within the Japanese navy. However, no one had figured out how to do it. After all, Germany was not Russia; it was a first-rate European power capable of challenging Britain. Even the British needed to court France to contain Germany. For Japan to try and deal with Germany was undoubtedly a pipe dream.

To be realistic, if you had to choose one of the United States and Germany as your adversary, the Japanese Navy would definitely choose the United States over Germany. After all, the United States' fundamental interests are in the Atlantic Ocean, and the US Navy does not have the capability to cross the American continent to fight the Japanese Navy in East Asia.

However, Germany is different. Its High Seas Fleet is designed to rival the British Royal Navy, and its fleet strength far surpasses that of the aging American warships. Furthermore, Germany has supply ports and naval bases in Africa and Shandong. In other words, Germany is not an outsider to East Asia, but rather a de facto host. If China becomes a logistical base for the German navy, then Japan would have no chance of defeating Germany.

Lin Xinyi's plan essentially divided the relationship between China and Germany, turning the Chinese into the main force in expelling German influence in China. The Japanese navy only needed to cut off German support to Shandong. Such a plan was naturally highly feasible.

However, this plan did not meet the expectations of some Japanese naval officers. For example, Tetsutaro Sato frowned and asked, "In that case, wouldn't the Chinese end up benefiting again? They would get the biggest advantage with almost nothing. And it seems that we haven't gained anything except driving the German naval forces out of East Asia?"

Akiyama Saneyuki, feeling somewhat uncomfortable, retorted, "Isn't the greatest benefit being the expulsion of the German naval forces from East Asia? In that case, apart from the British Royal Navy, no one in East Asia will be able to pose a threat to the Japanese mainland."

However, Akiyama's words were not convincing. An officer immediately said, "That's not how it works. Our warships were built with heavy taxes paid by our people. We used this fleet to drive out the Germans for the Chinese. Shouldn't the Chinese pay for it? They can't just sit back and reap the benefits without contributing anything, can they? So, are we the Japanese navy or the Chinese navy?"

The number of officers who agreed with this person's viewpoint was not small, and Akiyama was quite angry. He did not expect that these reformist comrades would have such a petty side. They knew that seizing the sea power in Asia was the greatest interest of the Japanese Navy, but they still couldn't help but want to get some practical benefits from others.